https://www.ar.holyquran.wiki/index.php?action=history&feed=atom&title=%D0%9E%D0%B1%D1%81%D1%83%D0%B6%D0%B4%D0%B5%D0%BD%D0%B8%D0%B5%3A%D0%9C%D1%83%D1%85%D0%B0%D0%BC%D0%BC%D0%B0%D0%B4 2026-10-18T11:59:08Z История изменений этой страницы в вики MediaWiki 1.43.8 https://www.ar.holyquran.wiki/index.php?title=%D0%9E%D0%B1%D1%81%D1%83%D0%B6%D0%B4%D0%B5%D0%BD%D0%B8%D0%B5:%D0%9C%D1%83%D1%85%D0%B0%D0%BC%D0%BC%D0%B0%D0%B4&diff=53089&oldid=prev 2024-12-09T23:46:37Z

<p><span class="autocomment">Islam and the Muslim World</span></p> <a href="https://www.ar.holyquran.wiki/index.php?title=%D0%9E%D0%B1%D1%81%D1%83%D0%B6%D0%B4%D0%B5%D0%BD%D0%B8%D0%B5:%D0%9C%D1%83%D1%85%D0%B0%D0%BC%D0%BC%D0%B0%D0%B4&amp;diff=53089&amp;oldid=53088">Внесённые изменения</a>

Maqivi https://www.ar.holyquran.wiki/index.php?title=%D0%9E%D0%B1%D1%81%D1%83%D0%B6%D0%B4%D0%B5%D0%BD%D0%B8%D0%B5:%D0%9C%D1%83%D1%85%D0%B0%D0%BC%D0%BC%D0%B0%D0%B4&diff=53088&oldid=prev 2024-12-09T23:42:46Z

<p></p> <a href="https://www.ar.holyquran.wiki/index.php?title=%D0%9E%D0%B1%D1%81%D1%83%D0%B6%D0%B4%D0%B5%D0%BD%D0%B8%D0%B5:%D0%9C%D1%83%D1%85%D0%B0%D0%BC%D0%BC%D0%B0%D0%B4&amp;diff=53088&amp;oldid=53087">Внесённые изменения</a>

Maqivi https://www.ar.holyquran.wiki/index.php?title=%D0%9E%D0%B1%D1%81%D1%83%D0%B6%D0%B4%D0%B5%D0%BD%D0%B8%D0%B5:%D0%9C%D1%83%D1%85%D0%B0%D0%BC%D0%BC%D0%B0%D0%B4&diff=53087&oldid=prev 2018-01-30T20:08:46Z

<p></p> <table style="background-color: #fff; color: #202122;" data-mw="interface"> <col class="diff-marker" /> <col class="diff-content" /> <col class="diff-marker" /> <col class="diff-content" /> <tr class="diff-title" lang="ru"> <td colspan="2" style="background-color: #fff; color: #202122; text-align: center;">← Предыдущая версия</td> <td colspan="2" style="background-color: #fff; color: #202122; text-align: center;">Версия от 20:08, 30 января 2018</td> </tr><tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-lineno" id="mw-diff-left-l486">Строка 486:</td> <td colspan="2" class="diff-lineno">Строка 486:</td></tr> <tr><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>The characteristic feature of the year 9/630-1 in the memory of the Muslims was the many embassies that came to Medina from different parts of Arabia to submit to the conqueror of Mecca on behalf of their tribes (cf. CX, 2). In the autumn of that year, Muhammad made up his mind to conduct a campaign against northern Arabia on a considerable scale, probably because the defeat at Mu 3 ta required to be avenged if he were to maintain the respect he had so far earned. Also, the Ghassanid king was reported to have adopted a hostile attitude towards Muhammad and his followers (cf. Ibn Hisham, 911; BukharT, Maghdzi, bdbs 78, 79). Somewhat surprisingly to Muhammad after the Muslim victory at al-Hunayn, but probably also influenced by their defeat at Mu D ta, his appeal for followers met with little support. The Emigrants as well as a number of Bedouins held back and even among his devoted followers there were some who put forward all sorts of objections, for instance the fear that a campaign so far away in the burning heat would be difficult and potentially hazardous (cf. IX, 45, 81-90, 98 ff.). Muhammad seems to have faced considerable opposition in Medina at this time (IX, 58-82, 125), so that he had to have recourse to his earlier method of intimidation and his words recall in a remarkable way the period of passion in Mecca (e.g. IX, 70, 128 f.).</div></td><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>The characteristic feature of the year 9/630-1 in the memory of the Muslims was the many embassies that came to Medina from different parts of Arabia to submit to the conqueror of Mecca on behalf of their tribes (cf. CX, 2). In the autumn of that year, Muhammad made up his mind to conduct a campaign against northern Arabia on a considerable scale, probably because the defeat at Mu 3 ta required to be avenged if he were to maintain the respect he had so far earned. Also, the Ghassanid king was reported to have adopted a hostile attitude towards Muhammad and his followers (cf. Ibn Hisham, 911; BukharT, Maghdzi, bdbs 78, 79). Somewhat surprisingly to Muhammad after the Muslim victory at al-Hunayn, but probably also influenced by their defeat at Mu D ta, his appeal for followers met with little support. The Emigrants as well as a number of Bedouins held back and even among his devoted followers there were some who put forward all sorts of objections, for instance the fear that a campaign so far away in the burning heat would be difficult and potentially hazardous (cf. IX, 45, 81-90, 98 ff.). Muhammad seems to have faced considerable opposition in Medina at this time (IX, 58-82, 125), so that he had to have recourse to his earlier method of intimidation and his words recall in a remarkable way the period of passion in Mecca (e.g. IX, 70, 128 f.).</div></td></tr> <tr><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br></td><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br></td></tr> <tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>In spite of all opposition, Muhammad was able to carry through with his grand plan. When, however, after great hardships the 30,000 Muslims and their allies reached Tabuk, on the frontier with the land of the Byzantines, the campaign was indecisive (Ibn Hisham, 894—906). Muhammad’s prestige had, however, become so great by this time that the petty Christian and Jewish states in the north of Arabia submitted to him during his stay in Tabuk, e.g. the Christian king Yuhanna in Ayla [&lt;?. fl. ], the people of Adhruh [q.v.] and the Jews in the port of Makna. The Prophet is said to have stayed in Tabuk for ten nights (Ibn Hisham, 904). Khalid b. al-Walld also occupied the important centre of Dumat al-Djandal [q. v. ] during the Tabuk expedition (Ibn Sa c d, ii/1, 119 f.). 4. The period from Tabuk to Muhammad’s death Unfortunately we do not know how the matters that were rapidly coming to a head in Medina actually developed; but we may safely assume that the death of c Abd Allah b. Ubayy, which took place not long after the expedition to Tabuk, must have contributed to slacken the tension. These years showed a marked increase in the prestige of Muhammad in regions outside the area immediately surrounding Medina. With Mecca in his hands there was a noticeable inclination among the Bedouins in several places to submit to the will of the conqueror of this town in order to be safe against his attacks and to have a share in his rich booty. This was the case for example regarding the group of tribes of c Amir b. Sa c sa c a [q.v.] (Ibn Sa c d, i/2, 51 f.) with portions of the great tribe of Tamfm and the neighbouring Asad [q. vv. ] (cf. Ibn Sa c d, i/2, 39-41) and further north with the Bakr and Taghlib [q.v.] (cf. Ibn Sa c d, i/2, 55). Even in regions so far away from Medina as Bahrayn (Bahrain) and c Uman (Oman) within the Persian sphere of influence (see Watt, Medina, 131 ff.) and among the chiefs of South Arabia, the new teaching and order of things penetrated and found ardent followers in some places. But we must not allow ourselves to be deceived by the representations of the historians, from which it appears as if all the people in these lands adopted Islam. Caetani has shown that these accounts are not in keeping with reality and that it was only little groups that submitted, while there was a not inconsiderable number who rejected the Prophet’s demands. See Watt, Medina, 78-150, for a discussion of the major tribes in areas surrounding Mecca and Medina and also those farther to the north and south, along with an appraisal of the extent of Muhammad’s success in winning over the major tribes of Arabia and, in some cases, the motives, whether political, social or religious, for the tribes' alliances with Medina.</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>In spite of all opposition, Muhammad was able to carry through with his grand plan. When, however, after great hardships the 30,000 Muslims and their allies reached Tabuk, on the frontier with the land of the Byzantines, the campaign was indecisive (Ibn Hisham, 894—906). Muhammad’s prestige had, however, become so great by this time that the petty Christian and Jewish states in the north of Arabia submitted to him during his stay in Tabuk, e.g. the Christian king Yuhanna in Ayla [&lt;?. fl. ], the people of Adhruh [q.v.] and the Jews in the port of Makna. The Prophet is said to have stayed in Tabuk for ten nights (Ibn Hisham, 904). Khalid b. al-Walld also occupied the important centre of Dumat al-Djandal [q. v. ] during the Tabuk expedition (Ibn Sa c d, ii/1, 119 f.).  </div></td></tr> <tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-side-deleted"></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div> </div></td></tr> <tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-side-deleted"></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>4. The period from Tabuk to Muhammad’s death Unfortunately we do not know how the matters that were rapidly coming to a head in Medina actually developed; but we may safely assume that the death of c Abd Allah b. Ubayy, which took place not long after the expedition to Tabuk, must have contributed to slacken the tension. These years showed a marked increase in the prestige of Muhammad in regions outside the area immediately surrounding Medina. With Mecca in his hands there was a noticeable inclination among the Bedouins in several places to submit to the will of the conqueror of this town in order to be safe against his attacks and to have a share in his rich booty. This was the case for example regarding the group of tribes of c Amir b. Sa c sa c a [q.v.] (Ibn Sa c d, i/2, 51 f.) with portions of the great tribe of Tamfm and the neighbouring Asad [q. vv. ] (cf. Ibn Sa c d, i/2, 39-41) and further north with the Bakr and Taghlib [q.v.] (cf. Ibn Sa c d, i/2, 55). Even in regions so far away from Medina as Bahrayn (Bahrain) and c Uman (Oman) within the Persian sphere of influence (see Watt, Medina, 131 ff.) and among the chiefs of South Arabia, the new teaching and order of things penetrated and found ardent followers in some places. But we must not allow ourselves to be deceived by the representations of the historians, from which it appears as if all the people in these lands adopted Islam. Caetani has shown that these accounts are not in keeping with reality and that it was only little groups that submitted, while there was a not inconsiderable number who rejected the Prophet’s demands. See Watt, Medina, 78-150, for a discussion of the major tribes in areas surrounding Mecca and Medina and also those farther to the north and south, along with an appraisal of the extent of Muhammad’s success in winning over the major tribes of Arabia and, in some cases, the motives, whether political, social or religious, for the tribes' alliances with Medina.</div></td></tr> <tr><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br></td><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br></td></tr> <tr><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>In addition to the Jews who had already felt his strength, there were also a considerable number of Christians and some Zoroastrians [see MADJUS] in the eastern and southern districts of the Arabian peninsula, who posed a problem of a different sort for Muhammad. While in the earlier teachings of the Kur D an Muhammad is presented only as God’s prophet to the Arabic-speaking people, this situation changed in the later Medinan years. Sura IX, 29 ff., for example, includes the Christians and the Jews among the polytheists, who gave God a son and honoured men as lords beside God. In contrast to such utterances, V, 82 mentions the Christians very sympathetically because they, unlike the Jews, showed kindness towards Muhammad and were not arrogant. Christian priests and monks are mentioned in particular; a more negative appraisal is given in LVII, 27, and yet the Christians of Nadjran [q.v.] are said to have received preferable treatment by Muhammad (Ibn Sa c d, i/2, 84 f.). Tor Andrae explains these apparent inconsistences by pointing to the differences between the Monophysites and the Nestorians, saying that the former aroused his unqualified displeasure by their Christology, while the latter, who were then predominant in the Persian sphere of influence, attracted him much more (Mohammed the man and his faith, 89-93).</div></td><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>In addition to the Jews who had already felt his strength, there were also a considerable number of Christians and some Zoroastrians [see MADJUS] in the eastern and southern districts of the Arabian peninsula, who posed a problem of a different sort for Muhammad. While in the earlier teachings of the Kur D an Muhammad is presented only as God’s prophet to the Arabic-speaking people, this situation changed in the later Medinan years. Sura IX, 29 ff., for example, includes the Christians and the Jews among the polytheists, who gave God a son and honoured men as lords beside God. In contrast to such utterances, V, 82 mentions the Christians very sympathetically because they, unlike the Jews, showed kindness towards Muhammad and were not arrogant. Christian priests and monks are mentioned in particular; a more negative appraisal is given in LVII, 27, and yet the Christians of Nadjran [q.v.] are said to have received preferable treatment by Muhammad (Ibn Sa c d, i/2, 84 f.). Tor Andrae explains these apparent inconsistences by pointing to the differences between the Monophysites and the Nestorians, saying that the former aroused his unqualified displeasure by their Christology, while the latter, who were then predominant in the Persian sphere of influence, attracted him much more (Mohammed the man and his faith, 89-93).</div></td></tr> <tr><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br></td><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br></td></tr> <tr><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="−"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #ffe49c; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>On the other hand, statements in the Kur D an about the Jews gradually become more severe after Muhammad’s first year in Medina, and passages dating from near the end of his lifetime appear to make little distinction between those Jews and Christians who rejected his prophethood. As People of the Book, however, who are assumed to worship the one true God, they were allowed to retain their religion if they recognised the political suzerainty of the Prophet by paying a tax (djizya [q. v.]). If they did not pay the djizya they were to be fought without mercy. The memory of the agreement between Muhammad’s recitations and the beliefs of the People of the Book that was emphasised in the earlier parts of the Kurgan must have contributed to this inconsistent treatment of the groups that were coming under Muhammad’s control. In addition, there was the fact that treating the Jews and Christians as tax-paying tenants and allowing them to practise their religion, as had already been done at Khaybar, was much more practical for the Muslims than fighting them till they gave in. A further favourable settlement with the «People of the Book» was that believers were allowed to marry their daughters and to eat food prepared by them (sura V, 5). According to a report in Ibn Sa c d (i/2, 19) Muhammad included the Zoroastrians among the «People of the Book» in a letter he sent to a group of them (called Magians) in Hadjar. Muslims were forbidden, however, to marry their women and eat meat killed by them. This extended application of the expression «People of the Book» does not occur in the Kurgan. With these exceptions, the Prophet approached nearer to his objective of forming an umma on a strictly religious basis, for the inhabitants of a number of parts of Arabia were now actually bound together by religion, at least in the eyes of Muhammad. The old differences between the tribes with their endless feuds, their blood-vengeance and their lampoons that continually stirred up new quarrels, were supposed to disappear, and all believers were to feel themselves brethren (IX, 11; XLIX, 10). There was to be no distinction among believers except in their degree of piety (XLIX, 13). This very rapid extension of Muhammad’s sphere of influence through various types of treaties and other agreements naturally led to situations in which the new «converts» had little knowledge of the teachings and practices of Islam. Alongside the older adherents, who were really inspired by Muhammad’s recitations and whose faith had been tried by privations and dangers, there were now many new converts who had been gained mainly by political alliances, sometimes inspired by fear of Muhammad’s growing power. In spite of the teachers sent out to them there could be no question of any immediate deep-seated religious conversion among these Arabs. How the old Arab spirit continued to flourish among them unweakened is shown, for example, by the boasting and abuse in the poems included in Ibn Hisham (934 ff.). The Kur’an itself in XLIX, 14, states clearly that the newly converted Bedouins were far from the true faith: they could say that they had adopted Islam, but they could not say that they were yet true believers. Instructions on religious beliefs and practices that constitute such a major theme of the early Medinan parts of the Kur D an gradually gave way in striking fashion to social and political regulations in later parts of the Kur 3 an, when the Islamic sphere of influence was spreading so rapidly. Finally, all was prepared and at the end of the year 10 (March 632) Muhammad was able to carry through the first truly Islamic pilgrimage (the «Farewell Pilgrimage» or the «Pilgrimage of Islam»), which became the standard for all time. The regulations regarding the various ceremonies of the annual Great Pilgrimage appear only in fragments in the Kur D an, forcing pilgrims to depend for their proper performance on the Hadith collections and various Hadjdj manuals that are prepared by the leaders of each madhhab [q. v. ]. The modern form of the main rituals is undoubtedly based on what the Prophet laid down on this memorable occasion [see HADJDJ]. The Farewell Pilgrimage is said to have included an address, of which somewhat variant versions have been handed down, that marks the culminating point in his career. His feelings at that time are probably expressed in God’s words in sura V, 3: «Today I have perfected your religion, and completed my favours for you and chosen Islam as a religion for you.» There is therefore a touch of the dramatic in the fact that his life ended just a few months later.</div></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>On the other hand, statements in the Kur D an about the Jews gradually become more severe after Muhammad’s first year in Medina, and passages dating from near the end of his lifetime appear to make little distinction between those Jews and Christians who rejected his prophethood. As People of the Book, however, who are assumed to worship the one true God, they were allowed to retain their religion if they recognised the political suzerainty of the Prophet by paying a tax (djizya [q. v.]). If they did not pay the djizya they were to be fought without mercy. The memory of the agreement between Muhammad’s recitations and the beliefs of the People of the Book that was emphasised in the earlier parts of the Kurgan must have contributed to this inconsistent treatment of the groups that were coming under Muhammad’s control. In addition, there was the fact that treating the Jews and Christians as tax-paying tenants and allowing them to practise their religion, as had already been done at Khaybar, was much more practical for the Muslims than fighting them till they gave in. A further favourable settlement with the «People of the Book» was that believers were allowed to marry their daughters and to eat food prepared by them (sura V, 5). According to a report in Ibn Sa c d (i/2, 19) Muhammad included the Zoroastrians among the «People of the Book» in a letter he sent to a group of them (called Magians) in Hadjar. Muslims were forbidden, however, to marry their women and eat meat killed by them. This extended application of the expression «People of the Book» does not occur in the Kurgan. With these exceptions, the Prophet approached nearer to his objective of forming an umma on a strictly religious basis, for the inhabitants of a number of parts of Arabia were now actually bound together by religion, at least in the eyes of Muhammad. The old differences between the tribes with their endless feuds, their blood-vengeance and their lampoons that continually stirred up new quarrels, were supposed to disappear, and all believers were to feel themselves brethren (IX, 11; XLIX, 10). There was to be no distinction among believers except in their degree of piety (XLIX, 13).  </div></td></tr> <tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-side-deleted"></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div> </div></td></tr> <tr><td colspan="2" class="diff-side-deleted"></td><td class="diff-marker" data-marker="+"></td><td style="color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #a3d3ff; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>This very rapid extension of Muhammad’s sphere of influence through various types of treaties and other agreements naturally led to situations in which the new «converts» had little knowledge of the teachings and practices of Islam. Alongside the older adherents, who were really inspired by Muhammad’s recitations and whose faith had been tried by privations and dangers, there were now many new converts who had been gained mainly by political alliances, sometimes inspired by fear of Muhammad’s growing power. In spite of the teachers sent out to them there could be no question of any immediate deep-seated religious conversion among these Arabs. How the old Arab spirit continued to flourish among them unweakened is shown, for example, by the boasting and abuse in the poems included in Ibn Hisham (934 ff.). The Kur’an itself in XLIX, 14, states clearly that the newly converted Bedouins were far from the true faith: they could say that they had adopted Islam, but they could not say that they were yet true believers. Instructions on religious beliefs and practices that constitute such a major theme of the early Medinan parts of the Kur D an gradually gave way in striking fashion to social and political regulations in later parts of the Kur 3 an, when the Islamic sphere of influence was spreading so rapidly. Finally, all was prepared and at the end of the year 10 (March 632) Muhammad was able to carry through the first truly Islamic pilgrimage (the «Farewell Pilgrimage» or the «Pilgrimage of Islam»), which became the standard for all time. The regulations regarding the various ceremonies of the annual Great Pilgrimage appear only in fragments in the Kur D an, forcing pilgrims to depend for their proper performance on the Hadith collections and various Hadjdj manuals that are prepared by the leaders of each madhhab [q. v. ]. The modern form of the main rituals is undoubtedly based on what the Prophet laid down on this memorable occasion [see HADJDJ]. The Farewell Pilgrimage is said to have included an address, of which somewhat variant versions have been handed down, that marks the culminating point in his career. His feelings at that time are probably expressed in God’s words in sura V, 3: «Today I have perfected your religion, and completed my favours for you and chosen Islam as a religion for you.» There is therefore a touch of the dramatic in the fact that his life ended just a few months later.</div></td></tr> <tr><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br></td><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><br></td></tr> <tr><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>That Muhammad did not foresee how soon death would take him can be seen in the fact that only a month before his death he began preparations for a great expedition to Transjordania that he intended to lead himself. In the end he placed the expedition, said to have numbered about 3,000 men, under the command of the young Usama [q. y.], apparently in order to avenge the death of his father Zayd b. Haritha, Muhammad’s adopted son and long-time companion. Several of the leading Muslims complained to Muhammad regarding his choice to place an army with so difficult a mission under the command of such a young man, but the Prophet was determined to allow Usama the opportunity to avenge the Muslim defeat at Mu D ta, which also took the life of Muhammad’s cousin, Dja c far b. Abl Talib. In several parts of Arabia the appearance of rival «prophets» provoked disturbances at about this time [see AL-ASWAD, TULAYHA and MUSAYLIMA]. Then Muhammad suddenly fell ill, presumably of the ordinary Medina fever (al-Farazdak, ix, 13); but this was dangerous to a man physically and mentally over-wrought. He rallied a little but then died on the bosom of his favourite wife, c A D isha, reportedly on 13 RabT^ I of the year 9 (8 June 632). Only this date suits the statement in Hassan b. Thabit (no. 133) and all traditionists that it was a Monday. He left no legal successor, so that the leaders within the inner circle of his followers were obliged to choose a leader in the traditional manner among Arab tribes. The young Ibrahim, whom the Coptic slave Mariya bore to him, probably early in 630, had died earlier in 632. It is said that Muhammad was buried under the dirt floor of c A D isha’s apartment (al-Taban, i, 1817; Ibn Sa c d, ii/2, 57 ff, 71).</div></td><td class="diff-marker"></td><td style="background-color: #f8f9fa; color: #202122; font-size: 88%; border-style: solid; border-width: 1px 1px 1px 4px; border-radius: 0.33em; border-color: #eaecf0; vertical-align: top; white-space: pre-wrap;"><div>That Muhammad did not foresee how soon death would take him can be seen in the fact that only a month before his death he began preparations for a great expedition to Transjordania that he intended to lead himself. In the end he placed the expedition, said to have numbered about 3,000 men, under the command of the young Usama [q. y.], apparently in order to avenge the death of his father Zayd b. Haritha, Muhammad’s adopted son and long-time companion. Several of the leading Muslims complained to Muhammad regarding his choice to place an army with so difficult a mission under the command of such a young man, but the Prophet was determined to allow Usama the opportunity to avenge the Muslim defeat at Mu D ta, which also took the life of Muhammad’s cousin, Dja c far b. Abl Talib. In several parts of Arabia the appearance of rival «prophets» provoked disturbances at about this time [see AL-ASWAD, TULAYHA and MUSAYLIMA]. Then Muhammad suddenly fell ill, presumably of the ordinary Medina fever (al-Farazdak, ix, 13); but this was dangerous to a man physically and mentally over-wrought. He rallied a little but then died on the bosom of his favourite wife, c A D isha, reportedly on 13 RabT^ I of the year 9 (8 June 632). Only this date suits the statement in Hassan b. Thabit (no. 133) and all traditionists that it was a Monday. He left no legal successor, so that the leaders within the inner circle of his followers were obliged to choose a leader in the traditional manner among Arab tribes. The young Ibrahim, whom the Coptic slave Mariya bore to him, probably early in 630, had died earlier in 632. It is said that Muhammad was buried under the dirt floor of c A D isha’s apartment (al-Taban, i, 1817; Ibn Sa c d, ii/2, 57 ff, 71).</div></td></tr> </table>

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