Диалекты арабского языка: различия между версиями

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<!-- Encyclopaedia of the Qurʾān
Dialects
(1,580 words)
Different forms of the Arabic language (q.v.). Commentators on the language of the Qurʾān, both medieval and modern, often turn to dialectal material as a relevant source for understanding the contents and linguistic background of the sacred text (see exegesis of the qurʾān ). Already in the earliest sources treating of dialectal ¶ forms (dating back to the end of the second/eighth century), which were produced within the context of qurʾānic exegesis and the description of the Arabic language, the word lugha denotes not only language variants but also dialectal forms, i.e. the particular form of Arabic used in a region or by an ethnic (tribal or super-tribal) group (pace Hadj-Salah, Lugha). Kinberg's index of al-Farrāʾ's (d. 207/822) Maʿānī l-Qurʾān lists 25 groups with their own forms of the language (i.e. lugha, kalām): Azd ʿUmmān, Banū Asad, Tamīm, Tamīm wa-Bakr, Tamīm wa-Rabīʿa , ʿUlyā Tamīm wa-Suflā Qays, Tihāma, Ahl al-Ḥijāz, Ahl al-Ḥijāz wa- Ahl al-ʿĀliya, Banū l- Ḥārith b. Kaʿb, Ḥaḍramawt, Ahl al-Ḥawrān, Salīm, al-Ṭāʾiyyūna, Banū ʿUqayl, ʿUkal, al-ʿĀliya, Banū ʿĀmir, Quraysh, Qays, Kinda, Najd, al-Anṣār, Hudhayl, and Ahl al-Yaman, also called lugha yamaniyya (Kinberg, Lexicon, 744-53; see tribes and clans ). For all that, it should be noted that these early sources tend to refer to a vague notion of lugha without any further attribution. Al-Farrāʾ, for instance, states in his discussion of q 1:7 on the alternative expression ʿalayhum for ʿalayhim: wa-humā lughatāni li-kull lugha madhhab fī l-ʿarabiyya, “…they are two modes of expression, each one of which belongs to an accepted custom in Arabic” (Farrāʾ, Maʿānī, i, 5). Likewise, in his discussion of q 2:61, al-Farrāʾ (Maʿānī, i, 41) identifies the use of “corn” ( fūm, variant reading “garlic”) as an archaic usage of the language (lugha qadīma). The very obscure lughat man qāla akalūnī l-barāghīth, “the lugha of those saying ‘The fleas devoured me,’” is Sībawayhi's (d. ca. 180/796) recurring label for what we would define as a structure in which the verb (which should be in the feminine singular form, but is in the masculine plural) agrees with its subject in number (for the analysis of the Arab grammarians, see Levin, What is meant). ¶ Sībawayhi does not define the group following this usage, but Abū ʿUbayda (d. 209/ 824-5) ascribes the label and the personal use of this structure as it occurs in q 3:113 and in 5:71 to one Abū ʿAmr al-Hudhalī, i.e. a person from Hudhayl (Majāz).
It is instructive that the early commentators do not identify the language of the Qurʾān as purely Ḥijāzī. For example, in q 25:18, “They were a corrupt people” (wa-kānū qawman būran), the meaning of būr is identified with the better known term for “corrupt” ( fāsid) in “the language of the Azd of ʿUmmān” (lughat Azd ʿUmmān) as opposed to the common speech of the Arabs in general ( kalām al-ʿarab), in which it means “nothing” (lā shayʾ). There is, however, a tendency to prefer Ḥijāzī variants, especially when they are faithful to the orthography of the canonical text, e.g. the reading fa- ajāʾahā of Ahl al-Ḥijāz and al-ʿĀliya at q 19:23 is considered “qurʾānic” whereas Tamīm's ashāʾa is called “another language not valid in the book (i.e. the Qurʾān)” ( lugha ukhrā lā taṣluḥu fī l-kitāb). Indication of dialectal peculiarities offered early scholars a means by which to explain variations in qurʾānic readings such as the Ḥijāzī mathulāt and the Tamīmi muthlāt in q 13:6 and, likewise, ṣaduqāt and ṣudqāt in q 4:4 (see readings of the qurʾān ).
The study of dialectal forms serves also to explain the linguistic peculiarities of the Qurʾān, for instance, the four occurrences of “They fear not meeting us [God]” (lā yarjūna liqāʾanā, q 10:7, 11, 15; 25:21) in which the verb seems to mean “to be afraid of,” and not the usual rendering, “to wish.” A Tihāmī use of rajā in this sense is offered as explanation by al-Farrāʾ (Maʿānī, ii, 265). Even more interesting is the attempt, regrettably missing in the otherwise useful study of Burton (Linguistic errors), to recruit dialectal study for a convincing solu-¶ tion of the dialectal variant in “These two men are sorcerers” (inna hādhāni la- sāḥirāni, q 20:63). Al-Farrāʾ (Maʿānī, ii, 183-4) explains the unexpected use of the nominative hādhāni (instead of the accusative hādhayni) on the basis of information received from a “most reliable” informant with Asad affiliation (literally, “most eloquent,” in the sense of an accurate and natural instinctive sense for language peculiarities) who states that the tribe of Ḥārith b. Kaʿb has an uninflected dual case-ending -ā(ni) as well as an uninflected relative dual alladhāni. In the same context, al-Farrāʾ (Maʿānī, ii, 184) mentions another dialectal peculiarity concerning the iʿrāb (i.e. desinential inflection) of alladhūna as attested by the tribe of Kināna. A similar attempt is made by Abū Zayd according to al-Akhfash's (d. ca. 221/ 835) report in his Maʿānī l-Qurʾān, who identifies the dialectal form in question as a shift of all -ay to ā (e.g. ʿalayka > ʿalāka) and attributes its distribution to the tribe of Balḥārith (see Talmon, Arabic grammar). Could it be that this mode of utilizing dialectal data in the service of qurʾānic exegesis created the dogma which is formulated as “The Qurʾān has been revealed in seven dialectal versions” ( nazala l-Qurʾān bi-sabʿ lughāt)? Similarly, al-Farrāʾ contends that hayta in q 12:23, “Come, she said, take me [lit. I'm yours]” (qālat hayta laka) is a way of expressing oneself peculiar to the people of Ḥawrān which had been adopted by the Meccans (Maʿānī, ii, 40: innahā lugha li-ahl Ḥawrān saqaṭat ilā Makka fa-takallamū bihā) whereas “the Medinans read hīta,” (wa-ahl al- Madīna yaqraʾūna hīta) . This, it can be argued, is indicative of the thesis, developed later, that the virtues of the Meccan dialect in the Prophet's days comprised the virtues of all other dialects.
Modern scholarship on the relations between the dialects of old Arabia and their relation to qurʾānic language reached its ¶ peak in the 1940s with the studies of Koffler (Reste altarabischer Dialekte) and Rabin (Ancient west Arabian). A revision of their findings is a desideratum, considering the abundance of first hand information about the old philologists' original studies on these data (see grammar and the qurʾān ). Mention should also be made of Nöldeke's careful treatment of the question of dialectal features in the Qurʾān, particularly two exemplary cases. First (Neue Beiträge, 21), he identifies the qurʾānic negative particle in as a dialectal form of Mecca and Medina on the basis of later citations of local speech as recorded in al-Ṭabarī's History, Ibn Hishām's biography of the Prophet (Sīra) and in parallel passages. In the same study, he suggests Jarīr's use of lawlā to be a case of qurʾānic influence and notes the editor's change to hallā whereas lawlā was current in Mecca and possibly in Medina. A generally more skeptical attitude towards Arab philologists' identification of dialectal features, notably the indication of a Ḥijāzī-Tamīmī dichotomy, is also expressed by Nöldeke (Neue Beiträge, 3f.).
Rafael Talmon
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== Литература ==
== Литература ==
* {{ЭКорана|автор= |статья=Dialects |перевод= Диалекты|ссылка= |том= 1|стр=529 |ref= |en= }}
* {{ЭКорана|автор= |статья=Dialects |перевод= Диалекты|ссылка= |том= 1|стр=529 |ref= |en= }}
Bibliography
Primary:
Abū ʿUbayda, Majāz
Akhfash, Maʿānī, ed. ʿAbd al-Amīr Ward, 2 vols., Beirut 1985 and H.M. Qurraʾa, 2 vols., Cairo 1990
Farrāʾ, Maʿānī
Secondary:
J. Burton, Linguistic errors in the Qurʾān, in jss 33 (1988), 181-96
A. Hadj-Salah, Lugha, in ei2, v, 803-6
N. Kinberg, A lexicon of al-Farrāʾ's terminology in his Qurʾān commentary, Leiden 1996
H. Koffler, Reste altarabischer Dialekte, in wzkm 47 (1940), 48 (1941), 49 (1942)
A. Levin, What is meant by ʿakalūnī l-barāghīthu? in jsai 12 (1989), 40-65
Th. Nöldeke, Neue Beiträge zur Semitischen Sprachwissenschaft, Strasbourg 1910, 1-5, 5-23
Ch. Rabin, Ancient west Arabian, London 1951
R. Talmon, Arabic grammar in its formative age: Kitāb al-ʿAyn and its attribution to H̲alīl b. Aḥmad, Leiden 1997


Cite this page
Talmon, Rafael, “Dialects”, in: Encyclopaedia of the Qurʾān, General Editor: Jane Dammen McAuliffe, Georgetown University, Washington DC. Consulted online on 07 January 2017 <http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1875-3922_q3_EQSIM_00117>
[[Категория:Арабский язык]]
[[Категория:Арабский язык]]

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Диалекты


Литература

Bibliography Primary: Abū ʿUbayda, Majāz

Akhfash, Maʿānī, ed. ʿAbd al-Amīr Ward, 2 vols., Beirut 1985 and H.M. Qurraʾa, 2 vols., Cairo 1990

Farrāʾ, Maʿānī

Secondary: J. Burton, Linguistic errors in the Qurʾān, in jss 33 (1988), 181-96

A. Hadj-Salah, Lugha, in ei2, v, 803-6

N. Kinberg, A lexicon of al-Farrāʾ's terminology in his Qurʾān commentary, Leiden 1996

H. Koffler, Reste altarabischer Dialekte, in wzkm 47 (1940), 48 (1941), 49 (1942)

A. Levin, What is meant by ʿakalūnī l-barāghīthu? in jsai 12 (1989), 40-65

Th. Nöldeke, Neue Beiträge zur Semitischen Sprachwissenschaft, Strasbourg 1910, 1-5, 5-23

Ch. Rabin, Ancient west Arabian, London 1951

R. Talmon, Arabic grammar in its formative age: Kitāb al-ʿAyn and its attribution to H̲alīl b. Aḥmad, Leiden 1997

Cite this page Talmon, Rafael, “Dialects”, in: Encyclopaedia of the Qurʾān, General Editor: Jane Dammen McAuliffe, Georgetown University, Washington DC. Consulted online on 07 January 2017 <http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1875-3922_q3_EQSIM_00117>

Источник — https://www.ar.holyquran.wiki/index.php?title=Диалекты_арабского_языка&oldid=41173